Soekarno

Sukarno (1901-1970), dominant figure of Indonesia’s nationalist movement against the Dutch and the country’s first president (1945-1968). He was toppled following an attempted coup and held under house arrest until his death.

BACKGROUND AND PERSONAL LIFE

Sukarno was born in the city of Surabaya in eastern Java. At the time, Java and the rest of Indonesia were under Dutch colonial control. Although brought up in the traditional Javanese cultural world, Sukarno was educated in modern Dutch colonial schools. In 1921 he entered the Bandung Institute of Technology to study architecture, graduating in 1926. Sukarno had been increasingly involved in nationalist politics since his teens, when he had boarded in the house of H. O. S. Tjokroaminoto, a leading nationalist politician. It was in Bandung that he decided his future lay in politics, not architecture.

By 1926 Sukarno had been married twice, first to Sitti Utari, daughter of Tjokroaminoto, and then, after divorcing her, to Inggit Garnasih. He subsequently married at least four more times, having as many as four wives simultaneously. Though permitted under Islamic law, polygamy was not a common practice in Indonesia, and in the 1950s and 1960s attracted considerable criticism, particularly from women’s organizations.

EARLY CAREER

In 1927 Sukarno cofounded the Indonesian Nationalist Party (Partai Nasional Indonesia, or PNI) and became its first leader. The goal of the party was to achieve independence for Indonesia through popular struggle against the Dutch. A skilled public speaker, Sukarno quickly drew a mass following for the PNI. In 1929 the Dutch jailed him for being a threat to public order, and the PNI collapsed in his absence. Released in 1931, Sukarno resumed his political activity, but he was arrested again in 1933 and exiled, first to the island of Flores and then to Sumatra. By the time of his exile, he was Indonesia’s leading nationalist politician.

When Japan invaded and occupied Indonesia in 1942, during World War II, Sukarno returned to Jakarta and worked with the Japanese regime. He argued later that his collaboration with the Japanese enabled him to advance the cause of Indonesian independence and protect the Indonesian people from the worst excesses of the occupation.

In 1944 a committee was established to prepare for Indonesian independence, and Sukarno was a leading member of the committee. On July 1, 1945, Sukarno delivered an important speech to the committee urging the adoption of the Panca Sila (Five Principles) as the ideological basis of the new state. The five principles were nationalism, internationalism (or humanitarianism), democracy, social justice, and belief in God.

RISE TO PRESIDENCY

On August 17, 1945, immediately following Japan’s surrender to the Allies, Sukarno and fellow nationalist Muhammad Hatta declared Indonesia’s independence. The next day the provisional parliament adopted a constitution and elected Sukarno president. The constitution included the Panca Sila in its preamble and gave the president a great deal of authority. The Dutch refused to accept the independence proclamation. For the next five years Indonesia and The Netherlands negotiated and fought with one another. Finally, in December 1949 the Dutch acknowledged Indonesia’s independence, but the status of the western half of New Guinea (now the province of Papua) remained in dispute.

Although Sukarno was an important symbol of the national struggle against the Dutch, he soon lost political ground to domestic rivals. By 1949 he was little more than a figurehead, while real political power lay with the prime minister. This arrangement was made official in new constitutions adopted in 1949 and 1950, which established a parliamentary, rather than presidential, political system for Indonesia.

DOWNFALL

Political tensions within Indonesia boiled over on the night of September 30, 1965, when army troops and left-wing civilians staged a coup attempt, murdering six army generals and announcing the formation of a new revolutionary government. General Suharto, head of the army’s strategic command, rallied loyalist troops to suppress the coup. Although the identity and motives of the coup’s instigators remains controversial, the army alleged that the Communist PKI was responsible. Thus, in late 1965 army units and Muslim groups began to purge Communists (both real and suspected) from national life. Hundreds of thousands of people were killed or imprisoned in the crackdown.

Sukarno’s role in these events remains in dispute. He never publicly supported the coup attempt, but neither did he criticize it. This ambiguity, along with the elimination of the Communists, substantially weakened his political standing. By 1966 General Suharto had eased Sukarno out of effective power, and the following year Suharto became acting president. Sukarno was formally deposed in favor of Suharto in 1968. Wary of the implications of either putting him on trial for involvement in the attempted coup or allowing him complete freedom of action, Suharto kept Sukarno under house arrest in Jakarta until his death.

Despite government attempts to downplay his role in Indonesian politics, Sukarno’s image underwent a revival beginning in the 1980s among young people and others critical of the Suharto regime. Sukarno’s eldest daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri became a symbol of popular resistance in the pro-democracy movement that ultimately led to Suharto’s resignation in 1998. Megawati became vice president of Indonesia in 1999 and president in 200

Soeharto

Suharto was born on Jun 8 1921. His parents were poor farmers in Kemusuk village in Central Java. In the 1940's he became the battalion commander in the Japanese "self defense corps" when Japan invaded and defeated the Dutch in World War 2. In the 1960's, he rose to power in relative obscurity as a middle ranking army officer after helping to crush an abortive but bloody leftist coup. In 1966, Suharto takes over temporary power as President of The Republic of Indonesia. Eventually, Suharto became the President of The Republic of Indonesia. In 1968, he developed a strong government party and his government, known as the New Order, restricted opposition and allied country with the West. In the 1960's, he started building the Suharto financial empire with the Salim Group and the Nusambra Group. His first big money-making venture was the Bogasari flour mills, which milled wheat imported from the United States. By the 1980's, Suharto's six children built their own empires which now included banks, automobile manufacturing and cigarettes manufacturing. For years, Suharto helped Indonesia's economic growth, as well as his own. Until, consumption and overextending the foreign debt finally caught up to Indonesia in 1997. Suharto got financial help from the IMF but most of the $43 billion went to Suharto's and his family's pockets. After riots over rising food and fuel prices, Suharto money empire was exposed and he eventually resigned May 21, 1998. Suharto's Empire lasted from 1967 to 1998. He is currently ranked as the sixth richest person in the world with an estimated personal wealth of $16 Billion US.

BJ. Habibie

Early life

He was born in Pare-Pare, South Sulawesi; and studied at the Bandung Institute of Technology.

In 1950, when Habibie was fourteen, he became acquainted with Lieutenant Colonel Suharto. The future Indonesian President was then stationed in Makassar to put down a separatist rebellion and lived in a house across the road from the Habibie family's. Suharto quickly became a family friend. He was present during the death of Habibie's father and became an intermediary when one of his soldiers wanted to marry Habibie's sister ^[1].

Time in Germany

During 1955-1965, he studied aerospace engineering at the RWTH Aachen University, Germany, receiving Diplom (Germany's First degree certificate which is equivalent to Master in most countries) in 1960 and doctorate in 1965. He then worked for Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm in Hamburg. It might have been due to his time spent in Europe that made him interested in the Leica line of cameras.

Minister of Technology and Research

In 1974, Suharto sent Ibnu Sutowo to Germany to meet Habibie and convince him to come back to Indonesia. Habibie was convinced and returned to Indonesia, taking the position of Technological Adviser to the President.

From 1978 to 1998 Habibie served as Minister of Technology and Research in Suharto's Cabinet. He pushed for a leapfrog strategy of development, which he hoped would bypass the foundational low-skill technology stages to turn Indonesia into an industrialized nation. Despite national and international opposition (which preferred agricultural investments to technological investments) to this;he once famously announced that "I have some figures which compare the cost of one kilo of airplane compared to one kilo of rice. One kilo of airplane costs thirty thousand US dollars and one kilo of rice is seven cents. And if you want to pay for your one kilo of high-tech products with a kilo of rice, I don't think we have enough. ^[2]."

Habibie had considerable power as Minister of Technology. His long acquaintance with Suharto combined with Suharto's own desire that Indonesia master technology as part of its development meant that Habibie was able to get extra fundings from the budget for his projects at the expense of other ministers' project. In 1989, Suharto increased Habibie's power, putting him in charge of strategic industries.

In 1994, Habibie wanted to buy 39 warships from the former East Germany. Habibie expected the battleships to be sold for $1 Billion and wanted that amount of money to buy it ^[3]. The then Minister of Finance, Mar'ie Muhammad disagreed, expecting the old warships to be sold for less than that. A dispute ensued but Habibie, being closer to Suharto, got his wish. The Government took offense when this dispute, along with the news that one of the warships sunk en route to Indonesia, was covered by some parts of the Media. An order was dispatched banning the publications of famous magazines Tempo, Detik, and Editor.

Aviation industry

When Habibie came back to Indonesia in 1974, he was also made CEO of a new State Owned Enterprise called PT. Nurtanio. By the early 1980's it had made considerable progress, specializing in making helicopters and small passenger planes. In 1995, Habibie succeeded in flying a N-250 (dubbed Gatotkoco) commuter plane.

In developing Indonesia's Aviation Industry, Habibie adopted an approach called "Begin at the End and End at the Beginning" ^[4]. In this method, things such as basic research became the last things that the workers at IPTN focused on while actual manufacturing of the planes was placed as the first objective.

In 1985, PT. Nurtanio changed its name to Indonesian Aviation Industry (IPTN) and is now known as Indonesian Aerospace Inc. (Dirgantara).

Union of Indonesian Intellectual Muslims (ICMI)

By the late 80's, it became apparent that there was a rift between Suharto and his main political ally, ABRI. Suharto, who had repressed Islamists in the earlier years of his regime now began to make concilliatory gestures in a bid to build a new power base to compensate the one he was losing with ABRI.

In December 1990, the ICMI was formed with Habibie as its Chairman. In Suharto's eyes, ICMI would become his main weapon in appealing to the Muslim society. ICMI was a successful venture, by 1994, it had 20,000 members including future political opponents such as Nurcolish Majid and Amien Rais ^[5].

Habibie served as Chairman of ICMI for 10 years.

Member of Golkar

Like all Government officials in Suharto's regime, Habibie was a member of Golkar.

From 1993-1998, Habibie held the position of Day to Day Administrator for the Chairman of the Executive Board.

Vice presidency

The 1998 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session was to be held in the midst of the Asian Financial Crisis and many were hoping for Suharto to take serious steps to take the country out of trouble. In January 1998, after accepting nomination for a 7th term as President, Suharto announced the criteria for the person who he wanted as Vice President. Suharto did not mention Habibie by name but his suggestion that the next Vice President should have mastery over science and technology made it obvious who he wanted to nominate ^[6]. The market reacted badly, causing the rupiah to further depreciate in value.

Despite protests and former Minister Emil Salim trying to nominate himself as Vice President, Habibie was elected as Vice President in March 1998.

Presidency

Rise to office

By May 1998, the increasing poverty caused by the Financial Crisis and political discontent had reached boiling point. On 13th May, the shooting of six students at Trisakti University in Jakarta, caused extreme anger which in turn caused widespread riots and lootings. There were now explicit calls for Suharto to step down as President of Indonesia. Suharto responded by saying on 19 May 1998 that if he stepped down, the Vice President would become President and in a not too subtle jab to Habibie, said that he was not sure whether the Vice President could solve the problems facing the country ^[7].

Habibie, who learned of Suharto's comments from TV, was upset with his mentor and from then on was increasingly sympathetic to those who wanted Suharto to step down. While careful not to oppose him directly or support those who did, Habibie left the president in little doubt that he saw himself as Suharto's legitimate successor. Suharto, faced with dwindling civilian and military support, even among loyalists like Wiranto and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, decided to resign late on the evening of 20 May 1998. ^[8]

The next morning, on 21 May 1998, Suharto publicly announced his resignation and Habibie was immediately sworn in as President. There was mixed reaction to Habibie's assumption of the Presidency. Hardline reformists saw Habibie as an extension of Suharto's regime while moderate reformists saw him as leading a transitional Government.

With the release of his 2006 book, Detik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi (Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy), there is speculation that Suharto had wanted Habibie to resign along with him. ^[9] In Javanese style, Suharto hinted at this intention subtly. Habibie, who isn't Javanese, didn't take the hint and decided to take the office of the President. Because of this inability to read his intentions, Suharto showed nothing but contempt and never talked to Habibie again.

Cabinet

Habibie's Cabinet, which was called the Development Reform Cabinet consisted mostly of the same faces which had served in Suharto's last Cabinet. To show his reformist bent, Habibie included United Development Party (PPP) member Hamzah Haz in the Cabinet.

Political reforms

As President, Habibie undertook numerous political reforms.

In February 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Political Parties Law.^[10] Under this law, political parties were not limited to just three as had been the case under the Suharto regime. Political parties were also not required to have Pancasila as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties and 48 would go on to compete in the 1999 Legislative Election.

In May 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Regional Autonomy Law.^[11] This law was the first step in decentralizing Indonesia's Government and in allowing Provinces to have more part in Governing their Province.

The Press became liberated under Habibie's Government although the Ministry of Information continued to exist.

Habibie also released political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Muchtar Pakpahan, and Xanana Gusmao.

Habibie also presided over the 1999 Legislative Elections, the first free election since the 1955 Legislative Election. This election was supervised by the independent General Elections Commission (KPU) instead of an elections commission filled with Government ministers as had been the case during Suharto's regime.

Gus Dur

After his arrival from roaming over the Middle East universities, Gus Dur stayed in Jombang and decided to be a teacher. In 1971, this young figure joined at Faculty of Ushuluddin in Tebu Ireng University, Jombang. Three years later he was assigned as secretary to Tebu Ireng pondok pesantren (Islamic Boarding School), and at the same period he began to write. He again occupied himself with the field of writing and being columnist. His thoughts, through the articles he wrote, began to attract more people’s attention.

Djohan Efendi, a prominent scholar of the era, regarded Gus Dur as a good digester who digested all thoughts and information he read, and absorbed them into his mind, and finally, thought them out again as his own authentic thoughts. That is why, according to Djohan, Gus Dur rarely put footnotes in his articles.

When he was secretary to Tebu Ireng Islamic Boarding School, Gus Dur was frequently invited to speak in discussions on the subject of religion and ‘pesantren’ both in the country and in overseas forums. The next years, Gus Dur involved himself in non-governmental organization’s works. Firstly he joined LP3ES along with Dawam Rahardjo, Aswab Mahasin, and Adi Sasono in the pesantren development project until he founded P3M under the sponsorship of LP3ES.

In 1979, Gus Dur moved to Jakarta where he founded Pesantren Ciganjur. Gus Dur was entrusted to chair the post of ‘deputy ‘khatib’ of ‘syuriah’ in NU Central Board (PBNU) in 1980. His wide interaction with scholars from different religious, ethnic, and academic backgrounds began in this period. He was intensively involved in serious discussions on religion, social, and politics with them. His works in those fields intensified.

“A chain of Gus Dur’s career” which many consider as a deviation in his capacity as religious leader was his appointment in 1983 as Chief of the Jakarta Arts Board (DKJ). In the period of 1986-1987, he was also assigned to lead a team of juries of Indonesian Movie Festival (FFI).

In 1984, however, a team of NU Central Board’s “Ahl hall wa al aqdi” led by K.H. As’ad Syamsul Arifin elected Gus Dur by acclamation as NU Chairman during NU’s 27th Congress in Situbondo, East Java. He was reelected for another two terms until his resignation from the top post of NU Central Board in 1999 after he was elected the fourth President of Republic of Indonesia.

Being a president had not changed much his tendency to come up with controversial ideas. On the contrary, more people become aware of the controversy he makes. Before being president, only certain people especially NU followers who learnt his controversial ideas and thoughts, but now all people of Indonesia know it.

Gus Dur’s another career in the period of 1991 to 1999 which is important to be taken in this section is being head of Democracy Forum with its members mostly from those of nationalist and non-Muslim activists. In contrast, Gus Dur refused to join the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectual (ICMI) which he, even, accused of being sectarian.

The narrative above makes clearer how complicated and knotty Gus Dur’s way in going through his life. He meets many people with various ideological, political, cultural, and social backgrounds as well as those with different ideas. From the view of religious understanding and ideology, Gus Dur has also experienced a complex ways; traditional thought, ‘ideologist,’ fundamentalism, modernism, and secular one. Regarding cultural background, he has gone through both the Eastern culture with its courtesy and introverted tradition and the Western culture with its extrovert, modern and liberal customs. He has interacted with various scholars too, from those of conservative and orthodox to those of liberal and radical background.

Gus Dur’s thought on religion is much influenced by pondok pesantren with its traditional ethics, formality, and rigid hierarchy. Meanwhile, his roaming over the Middle East has introduced various thoughts on religion in him, from conservative, symbolic-fundamentalist, to liberal-radical thoughts. Gus Dur’s thought on humanism has been much influenced by Western philosophers’ thoughts. However, several kyai, who teaches and guides him, have significantly contributed to Gus Dur’s humanist attitude and thought. The also learns humanism from the story about Kyai Fatah from Tambak Beras, K.H. Ali Ma’shum from Krapyak, and Kyai Chudhori from Tegalrejo.

Culturally, Gus Dur has lived through three models of cultural layers. Firstly, the culture of Pesantren which is hierarchical, introverted, and full of ethics and formality. Secondly, the culture layer of the East world which is open and harsh. And the third layer is the liberal, secular, and rational culture of the West. All of them seem to have been internalized in Gus Dur’s mind as a synergy. None of them appears to be more dominant than the others in building his personality and thought. They all have always been in intensive dialogue in his inner mind. This is why Gus Dur is always dynamic, and on the other hand, difficult to be understood. His freedom of thinking and his broad knowledge are beyond the traditional boundaries of his own community.

Megawati Sukarnoputri

Megawati Sukarnoputri (born 1947) became vice president of Indonesia, the world's fourth-most-populous nation. This occurred in 1999, after a tumultuous time in her country's political affairs.

In 1998, Indonesians rioted and looted as they demanded new leadership. President Suharto had pilfered money from state coffers, placing him among the wealthiest people in the world. Suharto had originally risen to leadership in the late 1960s after Megawati's father, Sukarno, the first leader of independent Indonesia, was forced out. During this time, Suharto maintained a tight grip on power with his ruling party, Golkar. The citizenry did not rebel because he helped pull his nation out of poverty with oil sales. When the economy flagged in the 1980s and the Asian economic crisis hit in the 1990s, though, his days were numbered. After Suharto resigned, he named Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, a close ally for over three decades, as his successor. Amid further protests, Habibie agreed to hold open, multiparty elections in 1999.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Megawati had risen to become leader of the opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Her popularity, in addition to the financial situation, helped destabilized the Suharto regime. Entering politics in middle age, she was often described as "matronly," and many outside observers questioned her ability to become a world leader, especially since she lacked political experience. Her lack of outspokenness on issues and her quiet nature were sometimes read as serenity, but others saw these qualities as signs of being uneducated, unprepared, and uninteresting. By the mid-1990s, however, Megawati had garnered a great deal of support, enough to worry Suharto that her party could pose a serious threat to his control. He banished her from politics. After his downfall, however, she rose again and became the front-runner for the presidency. Although the office went to a rival party leader after a startling vote in the national assembly, parliament voted her in as vice president in October 1999.

Early Years

Megawati Sukarnoputri (pronounced meg-ah-WAH-tee soo-kar-no-POO-tree) was born in 1947, the second of five children of Sukarno, the founder and president of independent Indonesia, and his first wife, Fatmawati. (He had three other children by three more wives.) "Sukarnoputri," literally translated, means "daughter of Sukarno," but many Indonesians, including her, use only their first name. Sukarno led the drive to secure independence from the Netherlands and became Indonesia's first president under home rule in 1949. As such, Megawati grew up in the posh Merdeka Palace until her father's downfall. As the nation is composed of more than 13,000 islands, maintaining centralized control was difficult, so Sukarno imposed martial law. Famines, runaway inflation, and near-economic collapse marred his leadership. Following a coup attempt in 1965, Sukarno became even more unpopular, and the stage was set for his rival, General Suharto, to take power in 1967. Sukarno remained a heroic figure for his historical contributions, however, and there are still many signs of respect for him in the country.

Despite his political prominence, Sukarno left little wealth when he died in 1970. Megawati lived modestly throughout her life, adding to her image as a champion of the poor. Although she attended Padjadjaran University in Bandung, Indonesia, studying agriculture and psychology, she left without graduating after the coup attempt; a friend told Mark McDonald of the Knight-Ridder Tribune News Service, "No children of Sukarno were allowed to go to university. They had no money, no education, no jobs. The family was so poor then." Megawati settled into a middle-class lifestyle of marriage and children. She married an Indonesian Air Force pilot in the late 1960s and had two sons; she was pregnant with their daughter when her husband's plane crashed. She later married again, but was divorced quickly, and the relationship has remained a mystery.

Megawati's third husband, Taufiq Kiemas, owns and operates several gas stations in Jakarta, where they have a nice but not ostentatious home in a well-guarded area of the city. He ran for parliament from southern Sumatra, and encouraged his wife to become involved in politics as well. Though she and her siblings vowed not to seek office while Suharto was alive, Megawati's oldest brother, Guntur, a photographer, and younger brother, Guruh, a choreographer, both held seats in parliament briefly. Also, sisters Guruh and Rachmawati ran for parliament in 1999. Nevertheless, Megawati's brother Guntur told McDonald, "We are not cut out for politics. It's Mega who has staying power. She has guts."

Elected to Parliament

Still, nothing in Megawati's background demonstrated her readiness for the political arena. In 1979, she opened a flower shop with three friends, selling arrangements to upscale hotels and donating the proceeds to a foundation for poor children. Besides that, her background was as a homemaker. With encouragement from her husband, though, she won a seat in parliament in 1987, joining the original Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a blending of nationalist and Christian parties. Though she was often criticized for her lack of participation, she was named leader of PDI in 1993.

While Megawati at that point denied any interest in challenging Suharto's power structure, many in her country as well as international observers saw her as having the potential to shake up the regime. Suharto only allowed two opposition parties to exist-the PDI and the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP)-in order to give a slight nod toward democracy so as to appease the masses. Even then, they were forbidden from campaigning outside towns. Under Megawati, though, the PDI began to show an unprecedented increase in support as she spoke out against nepotism and the growing schism between the working class and ultra-wealthy. Thus, the Suharto government orchestrated a coup within her party in June 1996 that placed a former Golkar member, Sujadi, in her place.

That same month, a demonstration in favor of Megawati ended in violence as protestors chanting "Mega! Mega! Mega!" clashed with government troops. Many PDI regional offices continued to support Megawati, but the government cracked down on them, too, forcing out her supporters at PDI headquarters in July 1996. This caused more riots. Four people were killed, and the government reported that 171 were arrested, though Megawati claimed the number was closer to 250. Meanwhile, she denounced the violence, and staunchly insisted she had no intentions of challenging Suharto's leadership. Some predicted that, since his five-year term in office would end in 1998, and because his health seemed to decline after the unexpected death of his wife in 1996, Megawati would try to assume the presidency. However, she was only eligible to run as chair of one of the three major parties. By deposing her, the government ended her chances as a possible candidate. Despite her vocal statements against seeking the country's highest office, she did go to court to seek reinstatement in her position as PDI chair. She was becoming an icon for those dissatisfied with the current system.

Observers assumed that Suharto would find a way to transfer power to his family or a strong nationalist figure from the military if he stepped down. Democracy was still just an empty concept in a land where gatherings of more than five people for the purpose of discussing political issues were banned, and where the press was highly censored. Others mused that Megawati might not be able to muster enough support from the fledgling middle class even if running for president did become viable. Yet many Indonesians began comparing her to the Philippines' Corazon Aquino, who led the "People Power" effort to force Ferdinand Marcos out of power. They also compared her to Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan.

Suharto continued to harass Megawati. Her name was left off the list of parliamentary candidates up for election in 1997. When she tried to get back on the election list by offering her name, as well as names of supporters, on a separate "Megawati slate," she was denied. Undaunted, she expected that popular protest would help her return to parliament. If not, she remained a rallying point for those calling for change. As she noted to Keith B. Richburg in the Washington Post, "In our culture, there is not only a formal leader. There is also an informal leader. Sometimes the informal leader can be more powerful than the formal leader. You can see how my father, even though he has already passed away, in spirit still lives inside the Indonesian people."

In May 1997, the Golkar captured the majority of votes. Suharto was reelected and Megawati was excluded from elections. This only served to strengthen her position, and by 1998, she was calling for the president to step down. Further rioting, looting, and deadly violence led Golkar to vote Suharto out of office. After his resignation in May 1998, his political ally, Habibie took the office of president but promised free elections in 1999. Subsequently, Megawati formed a new branch of the PDI called the PDI-P, or Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle.

Presidential Candidate

In June 1999, elections were held for the Indonesian legislators, and candidates for president were in place. They included Megawati, Habibie, Rais, and Wahid. Megawati was undoubtedly popular, yet widely criticized for her soft-spoken manner. Habibie tried to distance himself from his predecessor, Suharto. Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN), was a charismatic supporter of student protests. Abdurrahman Wahid, also known as Gus Dur, was the driving force behind the National Awakening Party (PKB) and a leader of the largest Muslim group in Indonesia.

Despite Megawati's high profile, her bid for the presidency came under fire because of her gender. In the largest Islamic nation in the world-90 percent of Indonesia's 200 million inhabitants are Muslim-her opponents claimed that she should not be elected because of her gender. Although Islamic law does not prohibit a woman from leading the country, and religion is not seen as having nearly as much clout as politics in the nation, some were trying to stir public sentiment against the concept. Although Megawati was a practicing Muslim, some were suspicious of how much of an adherent she was, due to her wide support from non-Muslims. Other issues included her three marriages and her lack of a formal degree.

In June elections, the PDI-P party garnered 153 of the 462 seats (out of a total of 700), a good deal more than Golkar's 120 positions. Megawati thus seemed assured of the presidency. However, an electoral college from the House of Representatives, selects the president, and Megawati needed a coalition to ensure her seat. From June to October she seemed unwilling to forge integral ties with rival parties. A former cabinet minister, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, told Seth Mydans of the New York Times that if Megawati lost the election, "the country [would] be thrown into total chaos-total civil chaos." By this time, she not only had the backing of the poor, but also the elite classes, who saw her as being good for the business climate. And as Mydans reported in another New York Times article, "Many people have made their voices heard in continuing mass rallies and in outbursts of violence."

Hours before the assembly vote was scheduled in October 1999, the Golkar party humiliated Habibie by replacing him as a presidential candidate with party chair, Akbar Tanjung, the speaker of the parliament. This change did not make a difference, though. In a surprise shift in support, the assembly voted in Wahid, the Muslim leader respected for his teachings on tolerance and self-respect. The vote was 373 for Wahid, 313 for Megawati, and five abstentions. As predicted, there were outbursts of violence, but not nearly as bad as expected. Megawati appeared on television holding Wahid's hand, and she commented, according to Mydans, "For the unity of the nation I call on the people of Indonesia to accept the results of the election."

Though some supporters wept and others rioted after Megawati's defeat, the next day, parliament voted her in to the post of vice president. This was an important gesture and helped bring stability to the troubled nation. With Megawati as vice president, Mydans indicated that her party might be more willing to work with Wahid. He also noted, "Their cooperation may be enhanced by the fact that the President is in poor health and, should he die, Ms. Megawati may yet have the chance to take over the presidency before his five-year term is up."

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also known by his initials SBY, won over voters in Indonesia's first democratic elections with his image as a man of integrity, a strong communicator and firm leader in times of crisis.

A strong image is seen as key

Mr Yudhoyono is probably best known internationally for his leading role in Indonesia's fight against terrorism in the wake of the Bali bombing in 2002.

His speech on the anniversary of the attack was seen as one of the strongest delivered by any Indonesian leader on an issue which is still politically sensitive.

But critics say the former military commander is surprisingly indecisive, tending to consider all perspectives and opinions before making up his mind.

Budi Santoso, chairman of Mr Yudhoyono's Democrat party, agrees he is a thoughtful man, but says he is capable of making decisive moves when necessary.

"For example, while other presidential candidates where still looking about for suitable running mates, Susilo had already chosen Jusuf Kalla as his vice president," Mr Santoso said.

I understand what [people] feel; I know their expectations Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

The man dubbed "the thinking general" was born in 1949 in East Java.

The son of a retired army lieutenant, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono graduated from Indonesia's military academy in 1973.

Two years later Indonesian security forces invaded East Timor. As he rose through the ranks, Mr Yudhoyono completed several tours of duty in the territory. By the time of East Timor's violent transition to independence in 1999, he had been promoted to Chief of Territorial Affairs.

As such he would have reported directly to Gen Wiranto, the former head of the armed forces who has now been indicted for war crimes by a special tribunal in East Timor.

But there has never been any attempt to bring charges against Mr Yudhoyono.

His supporters say he was not part of the inner circle of military commanders accused of allowing the violence to spread.

Honorary award

In fact, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono never quite achieved the highest levels in the military to which he aspired.

His four star General status was an honorary award given to him when he left the army to join the government of Abdurrahman Wahid in 2000.

He started as minister for mines but was soon promoted to chief minister for security and political affairs.

A year later he found himself in conflict with his boss. Facing impeachment, President Wahid asked Mr Yudhoyono to declare a state of emergency. Mr Yudhoyono declined, and promptly lost his job.

In March 2004, history repeated itself. Mr Yudhoyono, reappointed as senior political and security minister under President Megawati, stepped down after a very public spat with the president and her husband.

The decision to resign, according to Denny Ja, executive director of the Indonesian Survey Institute, has paid off handsomely.

Mr Yudhoyono was a minister in Mrs Megawati's government

"Even though SBY was a senior member of a deeply unpopular government, he has come to be seen as a victim of that government rather than part of it," said Mr Ja.

Being forced from office under successive presidents seems to have enhanced Mr Yudhoyono's reputation as a man of principle, willing to sacrifice his own ambitions for the values he believes in.

That - and the fact he looks good on TV - could also have proved an important factor in his election win, according to Denny Ja.

"You have to remember that 60% of the population only graduated from elementary school, so they don't investigate candidates too closely," Mr Ja said.