The Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) is special because it is the only party representing the Protestant and Catholic minorities, which passed the selection by the General Election Commission (KPU).
It is also is special given its limited links to mainstream Christianity in the country -- or at least the religious leaders strongly linked to the Indonesian Churches Union (PGI) and the Bishops' Conference of Indonesia (KWI) and their formal youth, student, women's and intellectual organizations.
PDS members are mainly professionals from small prayer groups who united gradually over time through networking. The party's background was initially obscure except for leader Ruyandi Hutasoit whose father was once an executive of Parkindo. He himself was president of the Doulos Foundation focusing on social services.
The PDS is one of seven Christian-based political parties which went through the registration process at the justice and human rights ministry for the 2004 election. It is useful to examine its context in the experimentation of these minorities in gaining a political foothold.
Indonesian history has seen many different ways in which Protestant and Catholic minorities have voiced their aspirations.
In the 1955 election, in which ethnic groups and religions were fervently translated into political parties, Protestants solidified their political interests through the Indonesian Protestant Party (Parkindo) and the Catholic community had the Catholic Party (Parkat).
Those parties gained solid support as reflected in the results of the 1955 polls. In East Nusa Tenggara, a province with a majority of Christians and Catholics, Parkat took 41 percent of the votes, followed by Parkindo in second place with 18 percent.
In Maluku and then North-Central Sulawesi (now divided into two provinces), Parkindo's performance was equal to the demographic share -- a very solid majority -- of Protestants there. The same was true in North Sumatra province. Parkindo was second in 1955 with 33 percent in Maluku and third in North-Central Sulawesi and North Sumatra with 11 percent and 14 percent, respectively.
Nationwide, Parkindo ranked sixth with 8 seats in the national legislature and 2.6 percent of the votes while Parkat the seventh with 6 seats and 2 percent of votes.
Their representation was sustained in the 1971 election, the second since 1945. Parkindo remained sixth and Parkat at seventh in overall votes. Regional electoral results also confirmed the sustained loyalty of Protestants and Catholics to their parties.
However, the 1977 election saw a radical change in their political affiliations as the whole political system was forcefully rearranged by the New Order regime.
As Parkindo and Parkat were grouped into the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) together with the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) and a nationalist party with a strong socialist bent called Murba, Christians' historical loyalties were cut off. They started to identify themselves with their new parties or dropped out of politics altogether.
But this fusion was just a minor development, the major one being the establishment of a single major party to become the regime's political machine, the Functional Group (Golkar). The very strong -- sometimes intimidating -- ruling regime required Christians, as well as everyone else, to increasingly identify themselves with Golkar.
Such tactics indeed worked, as reflected in the 1977 results. In East Nusa Tenggara, a shoo-in for Parkat and Parkindo in 1955, Golkar suddenly won overwhelmingly with 62 percent of votes, while PDI was second with 35 percent. Though many commentators surmise that the numbers may have been manipulated, this figure reflects the start of the Golkar identification with Indonesian Christians.
Other regions that were loyal to Parkindo and Parkat also saw growing Golkar numbers.
Instead of expressing their frustration with this forceful arrangement, Christian communities responded positively, at least according to election results at the time. The arrangement was justified by some Golkar Christians as a new way of existing in the political arena -- close interaction with people of various backgrounds in either Golkar or PDI was increasingly perceived as a valuable association. It placed them on par with the majority and, to some extent, gave them greater opportunities in national politics.
While these benefits were regarded as blessings in disguise, despite New Order machinations, some Muslim groups resented it -- the regime seemed to prefer to nurture the above, less troublesome minorities while suppressing the Muslim majority's political aspirations. The regime's ban on public discourse on differences such as those regarding religion worsened distrust and suspicion between these majority and minority groups.
Distrust on the part of Christians was particularly evident in the latter half of the 1990s when former president Soeharto, seeking more political security, became more accommodating to Islamic aspirations.
Christians spoke up more on how their freedom was limited, especially the tighter requirements for building churches. The burning of churches in the last years of Soeharto's regime was another shock, adding to fears of revived calls of the sharia.
These shocks have been managed in various ways. Mainstream Christians have sought more intense communication with Muslim representatives to ensure mutual trust.
Prominent Christian politicians seemed to retain their belief that secular parties and the increasingly inclusive Muslim-based parties are those that can support the interests of minorities.
And while the threat of an installment of Islamic doctrines in the rules and regulations at the national and regional levels was getting stronger, a new generation of Christians began establishing new parties.
This was evident in the 1999 election with the presence of the Democratic Catholic Party (PKD) and Love for the Nation Democratic Party (PDKB). These two parties, however, did not perform well or pass the electoral threshold of 2 percent.
This experimentation seems to have continued ahead of the 2004 elections. There were seven registered with the Ministry of Justice: Two versions of the previous PDKB namely Carrier of the Peace and Love for the Nation Party (PDKB) and Love for the Nation Indonesian Democratic Party (PDKBI), Indonesian Democratic Catholic Party (PKDI) as a new version of PKD, the new Catholic Party (Parkat), the Democratic Nationalist Christian Party (PKND), the new Indonesian Christian Party (Parkindo) and the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS).
For Christian voters disillusioned with previous political channels, the ideals offered by PDS can be attractive. For a late start in the political arena, however, the gains may still be relatively insignificant.
Saturday, May 9, 2009
History of Christian Party in Indonesian
PKNU
History
Meaning PKNU
PKNU abbreviation of the Party of National Resurrection Ulama. This party was founded by the theologian as political platforms to uphold truth and justice (iqamatil chaq Wal ”re). The birth of this party must meaned resurrection as a national “from” (Have a) theologian. Through PKNU, a theologian motorcycle to mark the second national resurrection to the improvement of the lives of nationalism and the state have been damaged.
This means that PKNU a political tool to defend the national resurrection, as shown by the parson last have to realize that love the land the water (hubbul wathon) with the resistance against the colonizers.
Why Ulama To PKNU
The creation of PKNU driven by the desire to improve the condition of Ulamas of the nation experienced a protracted decline in all sectors of life. PKNU require the creation of political and social order in harmony with the religious vision of Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah so that the harmonization achieved and avoid the impact of religion and state (li-islaahil ummah diniyyatan of ijtima’iyyatan, iqtishodiyyatan of siyasiyyatan, fiqriyyatan of akhlaqiyyatan).
Why should establish PKNU and did not make the political parties that have been there for the political aspirations of the people nahdliyin
Because the political parties that do not have a structure and platform (strukturiyyatan of bling bling platformiyyatan) with the responsibility of the ulama. Where there are political parties that provide crucial role for the ulama? The only political party that makes the theologian as a complementary tool of legitimacy and studios.
Therefore, the parson agreed (ittifaq) PKNU founded as a political struggle for the citizens nahdliyyin. PKNU departing with the religious vision. This is the color of the new political power away from arogansi be due by the ulama.
Who delivered PKNU
PKNU birth date on Tuesday 21 November 2006 in Pondok Pesantren Langitan, Widang, Tuban, East Java. Births PKNU agreed by contract and agreement (ittifaq) a number of ulama who have known by the public and scholarly integrity in a meeting with morality Team Seven-Belas.
Team Seven-Belas PKNU birth to a representative of the parson of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). They include KH. Abdullah Faqih (Langitan, Tuban, East Java), KH. Ma’ruf Amin (Tenara, Banten), KH. Abdurrochman Chudlori (Tegalrejo, Magelang, Central Java), KH. Arifin Ahmad Sufyan Miftahul (Obando, Situbondo, East Java), KH. M. Idris Marzuki (Lirboyo, Kediri, East Java), KH. Ahmad Warson Munawwir (Krapyak, in Jogjakarta), KH. Muhaiminan Gunardo (Maesteg, Vadodara, Central Java), KH. Abdullah Schal (Belfast, East Java), KH. Sholeh Qosim (Throughout, Sidoarjo, East Java), KH. Nurul Huda Djazuli (Ploso, Kediri, East Java), KH. Chasbullah Badawi (Cilacap, Central Java), KH. Abdul Adzim Abdullah Suhaimi, MA (Mampang Prapatan, Jakarta), KH. Mas Muhammad Subadar (visit, Pasuruan, East Java), KH. A. Humaidi Dakhlan, LC (Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan), KH. M. Thahir Syarkawi (Pinrang, South Sulawesi), Habib bin Hamid Al-Hud Atthos (Cililitan, Jakarta), and KH. Aniq Muhammadun (Pati, Central Java).
The Ulamas PKNU after the birth through istikhoroh (implore Allah SWT guide) and diligence in the form of a series of political meetings. Before the birth of PKNU agreed in Langitan, preceded by a meeting in Pondok Pesantren Al-Falah, Ploso, Mojo, Kediri, East Java, on 10 November 2006.
Particulars of a new political party Indeed agreed by all kiai / theologian in a meeting Wednesday 6 September 2006 in Graha Astra Nawa, Jl Gayungsari East, Surabaya. Meeting this mandate to provide KH. Abdullah Faqih (Langitan, Widang, Tuban) and KH. Abdurrochman Chudlori (Tegalrejo, Ipswich). Tasks of preparing a new party carried istikhoroh to obtain isyaroh or directives from Allah SWT.
KH. And KH Abdullah Faqih. Abdurrochman then develop into Chudlori team meeting at 9 o’clock in the Pondok Pesantren Langitan, Widang, Tuban, on Thursday, 14 September 2006. The team developed a 9 Team in the 17-day meeting Friday on 21 September 2006 at Pondok Pesantren Lirboyo, Kediri, and with his help Team 13.
From a series of meetings of the kiai / theologian is ultimately aimed at meeting the top team in the Seven-Belas Pondok Pesantren Langitan, Widang, Tuban, dated 21 November 2006 which resulted in a 9 grains agreement. Among the other kiai agreed to establish a new political party called Party of National Resurrection Ulama (PKNU) as a continuation of the Islamic Clerics Agreement didzolimi by the court and power.
How about the principles of struggle and PKNU implications for the life of nationalism, having socializes and?
Basic is a special characteristic that can form the character for a political party. For PKNU, the principle of Islam Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah means to establish the fundamental character and moderate political stance (tawassuthiyyah), tolerant (tasammuhiyyah), reformatif (islahiyyah), dynamic (tathowwuriyyah), and bermetode (manhajiyyah).
The principles of the party’s struggle is more operational, how mengaktualisasikannya in real life. PKNU struggle is the principle of dedication to Allah SWT, upholding truth and keadlan, creating togetherness and brotherhood in accordance with the true values of Islam Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah in the Republic of Indonesia (national unity) is based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
PKPI Party
The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia/PKPI) is a political party in Indonesia.
The party was founded as the Justice and Unity Party (Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan ) in December 1998 as a split from the Golkar party. According to PKP leaders, particularly retired General Edi Sudrajat, PKP's leader, Golkar was insufficiently cooperative with reform movements then active. The PKP also argued that Golkar's attitude toward Pancasila and the original 1945 constitution threatened the unity of Indonesia.
In the 1999 legislative elections, the party won 1.01% of the vote. This was not enough to qualify it to run in the following elections, so party members established a new party under the name Indonesian Justice and Unity Party. The party chairmanship remained in the hands of Edi Sudradjat. In the 2004 legislative elections, the party won 1.3% of the popular vote and 1 out of 550 seats.
The party opposes the International Monetary Fund and privatization. its main support is concentrated in North Sumatra, West Java and Central Java.
ndonesian Justice and Unity Party
Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia
Chair Meutia Farida Swasono
Secretary General Samuel Samson
Founded 15 January 1999
Headquarters Jakarta
DPR Seats 1 (0.2%)
Ideology Pancasila
Ballot number
07
Presidential candidate
-
Website http://pkpi.org
PDP (Partai Demokrasi Pembaruan)
A new political party, the PDP, Partai Demokrasi Pembaruan, has been offically launched, a split-off from the PDI-P of Megawati.
A breakaway faction of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) has officially registered as the country’s 28th political party, a move that the party faithful opine will spell doom and gloom for the PDI-P, which won 20% in the 2004 elections.
Hundreds of party leaders and supporters from the Renewal Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Pembaruan - PDP) disturbed traffic on Thursday as they long-marched ten km’s from their party headquarters on Jalan Sisingamangaraja in south Jakarta to the Justice and Human Rights Ministry in Kuningan, also south Jakarta.
Laksamana Sukardi, a former state enterprises minister under president Megawati Soekarnoputri, and now a PDP heavyweight, said the party was set up to reform Indonesia’s political culture, which he said remained “feudalistic”, and to defend pluralism.
The PDP was actually created in December 2005 when senior leaders split from the nationalist PDI-P, after a group lead by Laksamana lost a bitter fight to engage in thoroughgoing party reform at its national congress. The party, which has a leadership council instead of a single leader, has become the 14th new party to register since the 2004 election.
Laksamana claimed that PDP membership numbers were in the millions and he was optimistic it would out-perform the PDI-P 2009 general elections. He said the party was an inclusive, nationalist grouping, which would promote pluralism through a reinterpretation of the state ideology Pancasila and a return to principles enshrined in the Constitution.
The PDP has already established chapters in 32 provinces, branches in 70 percent of regencies and municipalities and 60 percent of the nation’s subdistricts. The Political Party Law requires all political groups to field offices in at least in 50 percent of provinces, and branches in at least 50 percent of regions and 25 percent of subdistricts throughout the country.
Roy B.B. Janis, a member of the party’s leadership council, said the registration was planned to coincide with the 61st anniversary of the state ideology, Pancasila, and.
PDP is open all people regardless of their ethnicity, race and religion. We fully support Indonesia as a unitary state.
The problem that the PDP is likely to encounter is the lack of a popular figure like Megawati, considering that personalities are the most important aspect in Indonesian politics. Without such a leading figure one wonders about their ability to take much away from the PDI-P.
Thursday, April 9, 2009
Republikan (Republik Nusantara)
Date established: 20 May 2007
Initiator: --
Figure founder: 1945 people, among them, Djasri Marin, Syahrir MS, Yus Sudarso.
Azas: Pancasila.
General Chairman: Syahrir MS
Secretary General: Yus Sudarso
Address: DPP Party Republikan Office, Jl. Perintis Independence Komp. Perkantoran Pulomas Blok VI No.1 Jakarta Timur, tel. 021-4702960 Fax.021-4702966
website: www.republikan.or.id
Hanura (Hati Nurani Rakyat)
Army pensioners, including General Wiranto, declare a new political party, Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat (Hanura).
Retired military commander General Wiranto and a number of retired generals yesterday formed a new political party in preparation for the general elections in 2009, the Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat (Hanura), or People’s Conscience Party.
Besides Wiranto other former military commanders involved include Lieutenant General Suaidi Marasabessy, General Fachrul Razi, General Subagyo H.S., (police) General Chairul Ismail, and Admiral Bernard Kent Sondakh.
Suaidi said however that former military leaders comprised “only” 30% of the 100 declarators of the party.
Wiranto of yesteryear, sporting yellow. Hanura’s colour seems to be orange.
Among the civilians who have joined the party are Fuad Bawazier and Samual Koto, both former executives of the National Mandate Party (PAN), and Djafar Badjeber, a former secretary general of the Reform Star Party (PBR). [1]
Additionally, former Economy minister Kwik Kian Gie, former Golkar party chairman Akbar Tanjung, former vice president Try Sutrisno, and former president Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), witnessed the declaration of the party on the 21st. Gus Dur gave a speech in which he said Wiranto was well suited to become a national leader. [2]
Fuad Bawazier said previously that the party was founded on Pancasila principles, was inclusive, not for the elite, and hoped to become one of the top three parties. [3]
Wiranto was a presidential candidate of the Golkar Party in the presidential elections in 2004 who came third with 22% in the first round of voting. His running mate was Solahuddin Wahid of the PKB.
Tuesday, March 3, 2009
PAN
Date established: 23 August 1998
Initiator: Amien Rais
Founder: Amien Rais, Goenawan Muhammad, Rizal Ramli, Abdillah Toha, Albert Hasibuan, Toety Heraty, Emil Salim, Faisal Basri, a fatwa, Alvin Lie Ling Pao, Zoemrotin.
Azas Party: Pancasila
Symbol party: Images of the sun is shining with the blue background.
General Chairman: Soetrisno Bachir
Secretary General: Zulkifli Hasan
Address: PAN House, Jl. Public Buncit Raya Kav No. 17 South Jakarta. Phone: (021) 797 5588 Fax: (021) 797 5632
HISTORY
History of the National mandate Party (PAN) is not detached from the figure Amien Rais, the engine of reform movement in 1998. Subvert the success of post-New Order, Amien Rais and 49 colleagues who joined in the Assembly Amanat Rakyat (MARA) feel need to forward the goal of reform in the form a political party. Be dated 23 August 1998, the PAN was founded.
PAN call them selves the party is open, but not part of the public frustrated as the party called the Muhammadiyah. This is not detached from the head of the general figure, Amien Rais who once led the mass organizations Muhammadiyah.
PAN in the 1999 elections that failed to become the first. The entrance is only top5 with taken 7% vote. This percentage in the elections in 2004 decreased 6.4% despite a revenue increase seat parliament. PAN also failed to deliver Amien Rais became president in pilpres 2004.
PAN currently led by Soetrisno Bachir, a home Pekalongan. At the beginning of the year 2008, got a surprise when Soetrisno dominate campaign branding him self in the display-screen television Indonesia.
VISION & MISSION
Indonesia establish a new society based on religious morality, humanity and the principles of democracy. This mission in its implementation always rely on ethical and political fatsun.
Achievement election EARLIER:
1999: 7,528,956 votes, or 7.1% (35 seats in the House of Representatives)
2004: 7,255,331 votes or 6.41% (53 seats in the House of Representatives)
PKB
Date established: 23 July 1998
Initiator: KH Abdurrahman Wahid
Figure founder: KH Abdurrahman Wahid
Azas: Pancasila
Symbol party: Picture a world of soccer stars, surrounded by nine with the name of any posts at the bottom of the party, with the frame in four-square linear detectors, and written underneath PKB outside of the frame with a single line.
General Chairman: Muhaimin Iskandar
Secretary General: Lukman Edy Soetrisno
Address: Office DPP PKB, Jl No Sukabumi. 23, Menteng DKI Jakarta 10310 Indonesia, 62 21 3155138 Fax 62 21 3155138
HISTORY:
The Resurrection Party (PKB) was formed as the political aspirations of container color Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). KH Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), elders and also the son of the founder of the NU, built birth of PKB. Traditionally, PKB is the same as the constituents of the NU, therefore, East Java NU community who have become the largest contributor barn vote for PKB.
In the way as the organization, PKB get conflict.Some time had occurred dualism Management. Previously on the side of the PKB leadership under the influence of Gus Dur, PKB have Matori Abdul Djalil. In the future, there are also PKB Alwi Shihab, and now the latest Muhaimin Iskandar of PKB.
Gus Dur conflict began with Muhaimin’s dismissal from the seat Ketum Muhaimin PKB. Gus Dur Muhaimin assume too much in the way of their own political issues. Instead, Gus Dur seat Aly Masykur Musa who accompanied daughter, Yenny Wahid. This conflict continues to court and won by so Muhaimin expressed as the parties have the right to follow elections in 2009.
VISION & MISSION:
(a) Achieve goal of independence of the Republic of Indonesia as it poured in The Basic Law in 1945;
(b) To realize a just society and a prosperous and born spiritual, material and spiritual;
(c) Implement the national political framework of a democratic, open, clean and berakhlakul karimah.Pasal 8
To achieve the objective, Party efforts to do the following:
Achievement PRIOR TO PEMILU:
1999 = 13,336,982, or 12.6% (51 seats in the House of Representatives)
2004 = 12,002.885 or 10.61% (52 seats in the House of Representatives)
Partai Damai Sejahtera (Prosperous Peace Party)
Date established: 1 October 2001
Initiator: —
Figure founder: Denny Tewu
Azas: Pancasila
Symbol party: Images of the cross, a dove and the rice and cotton with a purple background circle.
General Chairman: Ruyandi Hutasoit
Secretary General: Denny Tewu
Address: Office DPP PDS, Jl Tirtayasa No. 20 Kebayoran Baru Jakarta Selatan 12410, Telephone: 021 - 7220725
HISTORY
Damai Sejahtera Party (PDS) was established by young people Christian. This is the main color is to encourage the spirit to maintain peace in the middle plurality and the nation’s problems.
Under Ruyandi Hutasoit, PDS is created as the party is open. Ruyandi promising 10% of the PDS later caleg cadres is a cross-religious. In Election 2009, some caleg PDS also mentioned that there is a religious nonkristiani.
VISION & MISSION
Vision
Establishment of a free public worship, harmonious, peaceful and prosperous, and have rights and duties without discrimination in the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution with the spirit Bhineka Tunggal Ika (different but still one)
Mission
1. Build civil society, an independent, intelligent, honest, and democratic integrated in nation and state (Civil Society).
2. Build mutual trust and cultural respect which is the capital base of development in all sectors (Culture of Trust & Law Enforcement).
3. Preparing for the Indonesian people that just, prosperous, peaceful and prosperous based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution in a frame with the spirit of NKRI Bhineka Tunggal Ika (welfare state).
Achievement PEMILU:
2004 = 2,424,319 votes or 2.14% (13 seats in the House of Representatives)
Denny Tewu, the secretary general of the PDS, the Prosperous Peace Party, says the party is based in Christian values but prefers to be viewed as a nationalist group.
We want to appear as a nationalist party that is based in religious values but is not a party of religion.
(Kami ingin tampil sebagai partai nasionalis berdasarkan nilai-nilai keagamaan, bukan partai agama.)
The conference, which is due to occur between 23 and 26 May, is to be held in the North Sulawesi capital of Manado and is to be opened, oddly enough, by the vice president, Jusuf Kalla, an Islamist from the Golkar party. Denny also said that the controversial law on houses of worship and the spate of forced church closings would be important items on the general meeting’s agenda.
The PDS gains most of its support in areas where there is a sharp division between Muslims and Christians, such as Ambon and central Sulawesi, and in these places it generally goes head to head with the radical Islamic party, PKS. It also has respectable support in Jakarta where it garnered 5% in the 2004 election. It draws votes mainly from Protestants and evangelicals whereas Catholics tend to plump for the PDI-P, of Megawati.
May 25th 2006. News from the Prosperous Peace Party’s conference in Jakarta.
The PDS, Partai Damai Sejahtera, is a Protestant party with 13 seats in the national parliament. Their annual conference was opened by vice president Jusuf Kalla who attempted to deal with some of the concerns of the PDS members over the perceived Islamicization of the country.
The chairman of the PDS, Ruyandi Hutasoit, voiced his concerns over restrictions on the building of churches, and on attacks on existing churches in areas such as Bekasi, near Jakarta, and on the drift in the country away from the founding principles of “Unity in Diversity”, Pancasila, and the 1945 constitution. He said that in 1945 all the leading Islamic groups had agreed not to insert the seven words which would have imposed sharia on Muslims. The fathers of the nation had therefore explicitly rejected sharia as the basis for the state and had allowed for the existence of differences in the country to be seen as a source of strength.
On matters of freedom of worship Ruyandi said:
Whatever laws exist make sure they don’t prevent us from practising our faith. We’ve seen that is harder to [get permission to] build a place of worship than it is to build a place of entertainment.
(Peraturan seperti apapun yang jelas jangan menghalangi kami beribadah. Kami selama ini melihat membangun tempat ibadah lebih sulit dibanding membangun tempat-tempat hiburan.)
Ruyandi went on:
We ask the government that the law on houses of worship not prevent a religious community from worshipping. In Cilegon for example it is impossible to build even one church. Even for celebrating Easter.
(Kami meminta kepada pemerintah tiga hal, agar aturan SKB Menteri Agama dan Menteri Dalam Negeri dalam bentuk apapun, jangan sampai menghalangi umat beribadah. Di Cilegon sebagai contoh, di sana tidak boleh ada satupun gereja berdiri. Bahkan untuk merayakan Paskah sekali pun.)
He said that if church building was not permitted then the government should allow Christians to make use of existing buildings. If this were not possible them the use of places of residence for worship activities should be permissible.
In the 2004 elections the PDS managed to win 2.13% of the vote. If they are to continue to have a presence in the national parliament after the 2009 elections they will need to garner at least 3.5%, this being the new threshold for parties to gain seats in parliament. Towards this end the PDS reaffirmed their earlier intention to position themselves more as a nationalist party, rather than simply a Christian one. They are unlikely to be successful in holding on to party status after 2009 and this will likely see the PDI-P of Megawati pick up much of their support.Wednesday, February 4, 2009
Stable but unpopular
One of the most important reforms of the post-Suharto period was the creation of a highly dynamic and competitive party system. This was particularly remarkable since Indonesia had not enjoyed democratic party politics for more than forty years. Since the late 1950s, two authoritarian regimes (first Sukarno’s Guided Democracy, then Suharto’s New Order) had tightly controlled and regulated the existence and activities of political parties. Under Suharto, the number of parties had been reduced to three, with the government’s electoral machine Golkar ensured of regular triumphs at the ballot box.
By contrast, the post-1998 party system involves almost no institutional restrictions or government interference. Except for a continuing ban on communist-leaning platforms, parties are largely free to choose their ideological orientation and organisational structure. In addition, all national post-Suharto elections (two parliamentary polls and two rounds of a presidential ballot) have been widely recognised as free and fair. In this liberal climate, parties of all colours and convictions have mushroomed, with 17 of them holding seats in the current parliament and another 95 registered at the Department of Justice and Human Rights.
Yet, ten years after Suharto’s fall, Indonesian political parties are the target of fierce criticism by observers, civil society leaders and the general public. Opinion surveys show that Indonesians view the parties as corrupt, unresponsive, self-absorbed and ineffective. Newspaper columns regularly launch stinging attacks on party leaders, and NGOs have focused many of their programs on scrutinising party activities – or the lack thereof. At the same time, however, the party system seems surprisingly stable. Despite the constant outpouring of criticism, there have been very few calls for the disbandment of the party-based system, and parties continue to attract large numbers of new members.
Indonesia’s party system is unusually stable among Asia’s emerging democracies.
How can we explain this love-hate relationship between Indonesians and their political parties? This article discusses the reasons for the stability of the Indonesian party system, but also explores why this significant success has not been accompanied by higher levels of public support for the parties among ordinary Indonesians. After evaluating the structural, political and ideological issues associated with the state of Indonesia’s party system, I conclude that, despite ongoing problems, Indonesia’s parties deserve more credit for their contribution to the strength of the democratic polity than is usually extended to them.
Stable…
The first significant feature of Indonesia’s post-Suharto parties is their relative stability and continuity. All large parties that contested the 1999 elections still exist. They are: the secular-nationalist PDI-P (Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle), the former government party Golkar, the traditionalist Muslim party PKB (National Awakening Party), the Islamic PPP (United Development Party), the modernist Muslim party PAN (National Mandate Party), the PKS (Prosperous Justice Party) - a puritan Islamic party that participated in the 1999 polls as PK (Justice Party), and the ultra-modernist Islamic party PBB (Moon and Crescent Party). There has been only one noteworthy addition to this club in the last ten years: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s PD (Democratic Party), founded in 2001.
This stability of the party system is an unusual phenomenon among Asia’s emerging democracies. Even in more established democratic systems, the lifespan of political parties is often much shorter. For instance, the average life expectancy of political parties in South Korea is three years, while parties in Thailand and the Philippines survive only a little longer. In Indonesia, by contrast, three of the biggest parties were founded in the 1960s and 1970s, with the rest established after Suharto’s fall. Ten years into the post-authoritarian era, there are no signs that any of the larger parties will collapse anytime soon.
The relative longevity of Indonesian parties is due to a mixture of politico-ideological and structural reasons. To begin with, most Indonesian parties are still rooted in distinct social, religious or ideological milieus, and the majority of voters feel reluctant to move between those constituencies. These entrenched divisions in Indonesian society have obstructed the internal modernisation of the mainstream parties, but have also been responsible for their survival. Furthermore, Indonesian law forces parties to establish a nationwide structure down to the sub-district level, strengthening their organisational roots and making it difficult for newcomers to break into the system.
The stability of the national party system is also reflected in the continuously high voter turn-out. In 1999 and 2004, participation in national elections ranged between 75 and 93 percent, a rate that even consolidated democracies would consider healthy. Even in direct elections for local government heads, where the role of the parties is weaker, an average of 69 percent of registered voters took part in the ballots. While these figures are not an endorsement of the party system as such, they indicate that Indonesians believe it is important to express support for the party of their choice.
Another factor in the resilience of Indonesian party politics is the almost complete absence of extremist parties that reject the current democratic system. In contrast to the 1950s, when most parties wanted to remove or substantially alter the system of parliamentary democracy (and replace it with a communist regime, an Islamic state or authoritarian rule), the parties of the post-Suharto era have been strongly supportive of the democratic system. Even the more formalist Muslim parties have suspended their campaign for the introduction of syariah, or Islamic law, after their proposal for a constitutional amendment was voted down by an overwhelming majority in 2002. Since then, their orientation has been largely moderate and centrist, further consolidating the core of the post-authoritarian political system.
… but unpopular
Despite these positive indicators of a healthy and functioning party system, Indonesians have not held back with their criticism of the parties and their leaders. In opinion polls, political parties have invariably ranked among the institutions considered most corrupt, ineffective and unresponsive. Academic observers have echoed this sentiment with their critiques in seminars, newspapers and booklets.
The disappointment of ordinary Indonesians with their parties is reflected in stunning and unambiguous statistics: more than 1000 local legislators, almost ten per cent of the total number of parliamentarians across Indonesia, have been investigated for corruption since 2004. At the same time, more than 75 per cent of Indonesians do not feel a strong sense of emotional attachment to any of the existing parties. In local elections, voters have mostly opted for independent figures with only superficial ties to their nominating parties. In Aceh – the only province where non-party candidates have thus far been allowed to stand – nominees put forward by established parties have suffered a series of crushing defeats.
To be sure, post-Suharto party politics have drawn a large number of rent-seekers, power brokers and opportunists into the centre of Indonesia’s new democracy. This is hardly surprising, given that the political parties today hold much more power than at any other time since the 1950s. Through their parliamentarians, the parties have authority over legislation, and through their participation in government, they dominate the executive as well. These extensive powers are too tempting for political and oligarchic operators to ignore.
The vicious cycle of political corruption has been aggravated by populist attitudes in Indonesian society and among some NGOs.
However, the problems of Indonesian party politics are not only about the failing morals of politicians. Structural deficiencies and unrealistic societal expectations also play a role. Most importantly, Indonesia has no coherent system of party financing in place. The vast majority of party members pay no membership fees; the small state subsidies to parties were cut by almost 90 per cent in 2005; and contributions to parties by entrepreneurs are typically slammed by the media and civil society groups. Accordingly, party boards force their representatives in legislative institutions and national and local government positions to come up with the money needed to run their organisations. Squeezed by their parties, parliamentarians subsequently turn to corruption and rent-seeking to raise fresh funds.
This vicious cycle of political corruption has been aggravated by the populist attitudes in Indonesian society and some NGO circles. In recent years, political commentators have decried every attempt by political parties to obtain monetary or institutional resources from the state. In 2007, even the planned acquisition of fax machines and laptops for members of the national parliament created a huge uproar. Similarly, it took ten years of post-Suharto reforms for each national legislator to be allocated a single research assistant. While these anti-party critics can be certain of thunderous applause from the public, they rarely come forward with alternative ideas about how to provide proper and transparent funding mechanisms for Indonesia’s parties.
Ultimately, the problem of corruption in Indonesian political parties can’t be solved without ground-breaking reforms of the party financing system. It would be naïve to believe that parties can simultaneously engage in fund-raising activities, stay away from corrupt practices and be effective vehicles of political representation and aggregation. In the absence of membership contributions and public funding, Indonesia’s parties have so far been forced to concentrate on raising money instead of performing their functions. Indonesian observers and the general public should acknowledge this issue as an institutional defect. In addition, they should recognise that for all their faults, the parties have played a significant role in stabilising the post-authoritarian political system. ii
by : Marcus Mietzner (mamietzner@yahoo.com ) is a Visiting Research Fellow at KITLV in Leiden. His book on the Indonesian military will shortly be published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. He is currently writing a new book on political parties in Indonesia.
Partai Demokrat
Origins
The 2001 Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly which resulted in Megawati Sukarnoputri's election as President of Indonesia caused a vacancy in the position of Vice President. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was one candidate who competed for the Vice Presidency, losing out to Hamzah Haz.
Yudhoyono's supporters saw Yudhoyono's participation in the Vice Presidential election as a sign of his popularity and recognized Yudhoyono's potential as a possible leader for Indonesia. One of these supporters, Vence Rumangkang approached Yudhoyono with the idea of forming a political party to help shore up support for the 2004 Presidential Elections. Yudhoyono approved of the idea and after going the basic concepts left Rumangkang in charge of forming the Party.
From 12th-19th August 2001, Rumangkang began holding a series meetings to discuss the formation of the Party while holding consultations with Yudhoyono who was now serving as the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. Yudhoyono personally led the meeting on 19th August and on the 20th August 2001, the basic outline of the (PD) was finalized.
On 9th September 2001 (in which Yudhoyono turns 52), the formation of PD was officially declared and on 10th September 2001, it was enlisted at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
PD also elected Subur Budhisantoso as Party Chairman.
2004 Legislative Elections
PD won 7.5% share of votes and won 57 out of 550 seats of People's Representative Council in the 2004 legislative election and finished in fifth place overall.
2004 Presidential Elections
PD nominated Yudhoyono as its Presidential Candidate with Jusuf Kalla as the Vice Presidential Candidate. In this, they were also supported by the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI). Yudhoyono and Kalla won the first round of elections in July 2004 with 33.6% of the votes and would go on to win 60.1% in the run-offs and thereby securing Yudhoyono's election as President.
2005 Party Congress
In May 2005, PD held its first Party Congress.
During the congress, Hadi Utomo was elected as Chairman. Nevertheless, the highest authority in the Party belonged to Yudhoyono who was elected was Chairman of the Executive Board (Ketua Dewan Pembina).
List of Chairman
- Subur Budhisantoso (2001-2005)
- Hadi Utomo (2005-)
Golkar
The Party of the Functional Groups (Indonesian: Partai Golongan Karya) is a political party in Indonesia. It is also known as Golkar (Sekretariat Bersama Golongan Karya, or Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups). It was the ruling party during Suharto's regime (1966-1998), and is the biggest party in today's ruling coalition in Indonesia.
Origins
Golkar was formed on October 20, 1964 under the name Sekber Golkar. It was a federation of 97 NGOs which grew over time to 220 organizations. Although it claimed to be apolitical, Sekber Golkar was formed with the backing of senior army officers to counter the increasing influence of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).
Suharto and Golkar
In March 1968, General Suharto was officially elected by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) as Indonesia's second President. Because of his military background, Suharto was not affiliated to any political parties. Suharto had never expressed much interest in party politics. However, if he were to be elected for a second term as President, he needed to align himself with a political party. Originally, Suharto had shown interest in aligning with the Indonesian National Party (PNI) — the party of his predecessor, Sukarno[1]. But in seeking to distance himself from the old regime, Suharto settled on Golkar.
Suharto then ordered his closest associate, Ali Murtopo, to transform Golkar and turn it into an electoral machine. Under Murtopo, and with Suharto's supervision, Golkar was turned from a federation of NGOs into a political party. Under Suharto, Golkar continued to portray itself as a non-ideological entity, without favoritism or political agendas. It promised to focus on "economic development" and "stability" rather than a specific ideological goal.[2] Golkar also began identifying itself with the government, encouraging civil servants to vote for it as a sign of loyalty to the government.
Murtopo claimed that workers were part of a Functional Group, which by rights ought to be subsumed under Golkar: "thus all unions were united into a single body answerable to the state. The population was no longer there to be mobilised by political parties, rather, the people were the 'floating mass', or the 'ignorant mass', who needed firm guidance so they would not be lured into politics.[3] In order to "Golkar-ize" the nation, Murtopo sometimes used the military and gangs of young thugs to eliminate political competition.[4]
Golkar declared on 4 February 1970 that it would be participating in the 1971 legislative elections. Suharto's alignment with Golkar paid dividends when Golkar won 62% of the votes and an overwhelming majority in the People's Representative Council (DPR). The members of DPR also doubled as members as MPR and thus Suharto was easily re-elected to a second term as President in March 1973.
The 1971 legislative election was a success for Golkar and Suharto. Strengthened by his re-election, Suharto quickly began tightening his grip on Golkar. Control was increased in October 1973 with the impementation of a less democratic and more centralized system headed by a Chairman. In October 1978, after his re-election to a 3rd term, Suharto further consolidated his control of Golkar by being elected Chairman of the Executive Board (Ketua Dewan Pembina), a position whose authority supersedes even the party Chairman. From this position, Suharto had the supreme power in Golkar while leaving the day-to-day running of Golkar to the Chairman.
Aside from being dominated by Suharto, Golkar was also an organization dominated by the Army. Out of the four people that served as Golkar Chairman during the New Order, three had a military background. It was only in the last years of Suharto's rule that Harmoko, a lifelong civilian, was elected as Golkar Chairman.
Electoral dominance in the New Order
Golkar continued to dominate Indonesian politics well beyond the 1971 legislative elections. In subsequent New Order legislative elections, Golkar won 62% (1977), 64% (1982), 73% (1987), 68% (1992), and 74% (1997). Because of Golkar's dominance, the government could successfully pass its bills without any meaningful opposition, and it was able to form a Cabinet which consisted only of Golkar appointees.
After 1973, Suharto banned all political parties but for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and the United Development Party (PPP). These two parties were nominally permitted to contest the reign of Golkar. In practice, however, Golkar permitted only a semblance of competition. The state controlled the only television station in Indonesia, and elections were "exercises in controlled aggression.".[5] Elections were ritualized performances of "choice," in which local authorities were to obey directives about Golkar's electoral results in their area..[6] A system of rewards, punishments, and violence meted out by thugs helped to guarantee cooperation across the archipelago, and the perpetual reelection of Golkar..[7]
After the 1977 and 1997 legislative elections, there were claims of electoral fraud launched by the , who together with Golkar were the only legal political parties after 1973. There were also claims of Golkar members intimidating the electorate to vote for Golkar.
Organization and factions
In its original organization, Golkar had seven groups. These seven groups were first outlined in 1965 and 1967 and called Core Organizational Groups (KINO). These KINOs are the Union of Multifunctional Mutual Assistance Organizations (Kosgoro), the Indonesian Entrepreneur Workers Organization Centre (Soksi), the Mutual Assistance Families Society (MKGR), the Profession (Profesi), the Defense and Security NGOs (Ormas Hankam), the Enforcers of the Mandate of the Indonesian People (Gakari), and the Development Movement (Gerakan Pembangunan).
During the New Order Golkar was divided into three factions:
- The ABRI faction: Consisted of members of the Indonesian military who under Suharto played a dominant role in political affairs. This faction was headed by the ABRI Commander and was commonly known as the A faction
- The Bureaucrats (Birokrasi) faction: Consisted of Golkar members who belonged within the Government bureaucracy. This faction was headed by the Home Affairs Minister and was commonly known as the B faction
- The Groups (Golongan) faction: Consisted of Golkar members who were neither members of ABRI or the bureaucracy. This faction was headed by the Golkar Chairman and was commonly known as the G faction
These three factions work closely together to gain consensus and in the case of nominating a Presidential candidate it was the heads of these three factions who went to inform the candidate (which until 1998 was Suharto) that he had just been nominated as Golkar's Presidential candidate. The three factions did not always work together however. In 1988, the ABRI faction was unable to nominate Sudharmono as Vice President. The factions disappeared along with the fall of the New Order.
After Suharto: Reformasi and beyond
With Suharto's fall from power in May 1998, Golkar quickly sought to adapt and reform itself. In July 1998, a Special National Congress was held to elect the next Chairman of Golkar. The congress were dogged by protests by both pro-Suharto and anti-Suharto groups. Suharto himself did not come to the congress. In the contest that followed, Akbar Tanjung emerged as the new Chairman of Golkar after beating Army General Edi Sudrajat. It was the first time that a Golkar Chairman was elected democratically rather than appointed by the Chairman of the Executive Board. Under Akbar, the Executive Board was abolished and replaced by an Advisory Board which had considerably less authority.
In 1999, Golkar lost it first legislative elections to Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P. Golkar won 20% of the votes and was the runner-up in the legislative elections. Despite losing these elections Golkar was still able to secure the Tanjung's election as Head of DPR. October 1999 would see the MPR assemble for its General Session during which a President and a Vice President would be elected. It was widely expected that Golkar would support Jusuf Habibie in his bid for a second term as President. Before Habibie could be nominated, however, he was required to deliver an accountability speech: a report delivered by the President to the MPR at the end of his term. The MPR would not ratify the accountability speech and it was revealed that some Golkar members had voted against ratifying the speech.
Golkar would get its revenge on PDI-P in the presidential elections. Although PDI-P had won the legislative elections, Golkar joined forces with the Central Axis, a political coalition put together by MPR Chairman Amien Rais, to nominate and successfully secure the election of Abdurrahman Wahid as President. Golkar, however, was unable to stop the election of Megawati as the Vice President.
Golkar was rewarded for its support of Wahid by having its members appointed to ministerial positions in Wahid's Cabinet. Much like those who had supported Wahid, Golkar would grow disillusioned with Wahid. In April 2000, Jusuf Kalla, a Golkar member who held position as Minister of Industries and Trade was sacked from his position. When Golkar inquired as to why this was done, Wahid claimed alleged it was because of corruption. In July 2001, Golkar, along with its Central Axis allies, held an MPR Special Session to replace President Wahid with Megawati.
By 2004, the reformist sentiments that had led PDI-P to victory in the 1999 legislative elections had died down. Many Indonesians were disappointed with what Reformasi had achieved thus far and were also disillusioned with Megawati's Presidency. Such discontent enabled Golkar to emerged victorious in the 2004 legislative elections with 21% of the votes.
Unlike the other political parties who had one person as their Presidential candidate from the start, Golkar had five. In April 2004, Golkar held a national convention to decide who would become Golkar's candidate for President. These five were Akbar Tanjung, General Wiranto, Lieutenant-General Prabowo, Aburizal Bakrie, and Surya Paloh. Akbar won the first round of elections but Wiranto emerged as the winner in the second round. Wiranto chose Solahuddin Wahid as his running mate.
The Presidential Elections were held on 5th July 2004. The first round of elections was won by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla who faced Megawati and Hasyim the September 2004 run-off. Wiranto/Wahid came second and there were allegations of disunity within the party with Akbar not fully supporting Wiranto after losing the nomination.
In August 2004 Golkar formed, with PDI-P, PPP, Reform Star Party (PBR) and Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), a national coalition to back Megawati. Further infighting would hamper Golkar in its bid to back Megawati. Fahmi Idris led a group of Golkar members in defecting and threw their support behind Yudhoyono and Kalla. At the Presidential Run-Off in September 2004, Yudhoyono emerged victorious over Megawati to become Indonesia's 6th President. Jusuf Kalla, who had gone his own way back in April 2004, became Vice President.
The 2004 National Congress
Although he had overwhelmingly won the Presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the DPR. His own Democratic Party had only won 7% in the Legislative Elections and even combined with other parties who had aligned themselves with the new Government, they still had to contend with the Legislative muscles of Golkar and PDI-P who now intended to play the role of opposition.
With a National Congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed Head of DPR Agung Laksono to become Golkar Chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was perceived to be to weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship.
This was a widely controversial move. Up to that point, Yudhoyono had not let members of his administration hold a concurrent position in political parties to prevent the possible abuse of power. There was also complains by Wiranto who claimed that some months earlier, Yudhoyono had promised to support him if he runs for the Golkar Chairmanship.
On 19th December 2004, Kalla became the new Golkar Chairman with over 50% of the votes. Akbar, who had expected to win a second term as Golkar Chairman was defeated with 30% of the votes. Agung and Surya, who Yudhoyono and Kalla had backed earlier, became the Party Vice Chairman and the Chairman of the Advisory Board, respectively.
Kalla's new appointment as Chairman of Golkar significantly strengthened Yudhoyono's Government in Parliament and leaves PDI-P as the only major opposition party in the DPR.
List of Golkar Chairmen
- Brig. Gen. Djuhartono (1964-1969)
- Maj. Gen. Suprapto Sukowati (1969-1973)
- Maj. Gen. Amir Murtono (1973-1983)
- Lt. Gen. Sudharmono (1983-1988)
- Lt. Gen. Wahono (1988-1993)
- Harmoko (1993-1998)
- Akbar Tanjung (1998-2004)
- Jusuf Kalla (2004-)
PDIP
The Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle (Indonesian: Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDI-P) is an Indonesian political party. It is led by Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Indonesian independence leader and first president Sukarno. Megawati was Indonesian president from 2001 to 2004. The party's ideology is based on the official Indonesian national philosophy, Pancasila.
Origins
At the 1993 National Congress, Megawati Sukarnoputri was elected Chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party, one of the two political parties recognised by President Suharto's "New Order" government. This result was not recognised by the Government and they continued to push for Budi Harjono, their candidate for the Chairpersonship to be elected. A Special Congress was held where the Government expected to have Harjono elected, but Megawati once again emerged as elected leader. Her position was consolidated further when a PDI National Assembly ratified the results of the Congress.
In June 1996, another National Congress was held in the of Medan, to which Megawati was not invited; anti-Megawati members were in attendance. With the Government's backing, Suryadi, a former Chairperson was re-elected as PDI's Chairperson. Megawati refused to acknowledge the results of this congress and continued to see herself as the rightful leader of PDI.
On the morning of 27 July 1996, Suryadi threatened to take back PDI's Headquarters in Jakarta.[1]. Suryadi's supporters (reportedly with the Government's backing) attacked the PDI Headquarters and faced resistance from Megawati supporters who had been stationed there since the National Congress in Medan. In the ensuing fight, Megawati's supporters managed to hold on to the headquarters. A riot ensued—at that stage considered the worst that Jakarta had seen during the "New Order" years—which was followed by a Government crackdown, which later blamed the riots on the People's Democracy Party (PRD). Despite being overthrown as Chairperson by Suryadi and the Government, the event lifted Megawati's profile immensely, providing both sympathy and national popularity.
PDI was now divided into two factions, Megawati's faction and Suryadi's faction. Megawati's faction had wanted to participate in the 1997 Legislative Elections, but the Government only recognized Suryadi's faction. In the 1997 Legislative Elections, Megawati and her supporters threw their support behind the United Development Party leaving PDI to with 3% of the votes. Following Suharto's resignation and the lifting of the "New Order" restriction to three national political parties, Megawati declared the formation of PDI-P, adding the suffix perjuangan ("struggle") to differentiate her faction of PDI from the Government backed one. Megawati was elected Chairperson of PDI-P and was nominated for Indonesian President in 1999.
1999 Legislative Elections
PDI-P was by far the most popular political party coming into the 1999 Legislative Elections. With 33% of the votes, PDI-P emerged victorious.
1999 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session
As the 1999 MPR General Session loomed closer, it was expected that PDI-P would once again play the dominant role. However, despite winning the Legislative Elections, PDI-P did not have absolute majority. Despite this however, PDI-P never formed a coalition with any of the other political parties in the lead up to the 1999 MPR General Session. The closest thing PDI-P had to a coalition was a loose alliance with Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB).
The Presidency looked set to be contested by Megawati and the then incumbent BJ Habibie of Golkar who was looking for a second term. However, MPR Chairman Amien Rais had other ideas as he formed a coalition called the Central Axis which consisted of Muslim Parties. Amien also announced that he would like to nominate Wahid as President. PKB, their alliance with PDI-P never cemented, now moved over to the Central Axis. Golkar then joined this coalition after Habibie's accountability speech was rejected and he withdrew from the race.
It finally came down to Megawati and Wahid. Wahid, with a powerful coalition backing him was elected as Indonesia's 4th President with 373 votes to Megawati's 313.
The PDI-P supporters were outraged. As the winners of the Legislative Elections, they expected to win the Presidential Elections also. PDI-P masses began rioting in cities such as Jakarta, Solo and Medan. The normally peaceful Bali was also involved in pro-Megawati protests. Wahid then realized that there was a need to recognize PDI-P's status as the winners of the Legislative Elections. With that, he encouraged Megawati to run for the Vice Presidency.
Megawati rejected this offer when she saw that she had to face opponents such as United Development Party's (PPP) Hamzah Haz and Golkar's Akbar Tanjung and Wiranto. After some politicking by Wahid, Akbar and Wiranto withdrew from the race. Wahid also ordered PKB to throw their weight behind Megawati. Megawati was now confident and competed in the Vice Presidential elections. She was elected as Vice President with 396 votes to Hamzah's 284.
2000 Party Congress
The First PDI-P Congress was held in Semarang, Central Java in April 2000, during which Megawati was re-elected as the Chairperson of PDI-P for a 2nd term.
The Congress was noted as one where Megawati consolidated her position within PDI-P by taking harsh measures to remove potential rivals [2]. During the election for the Chairperson, two other candidates emerged in the form of Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono. Both Eros and Dimyati ran for the Chairpersonship because they did not want Megawati to hold the PDI-P Chairpersonship while concurrently being Vice President.
For Eros, when finally received his nomination from the South Jakarta branch, membership problems arose and made his nomination void. Eros was then not allowed to go and participate in the congress. Disillusioned with what he perceived to be a cult of personality developing around Megawati, Eros left PDI-P. In July 2002, he would form the Freedom Bull National Party.
For Dimyati, although his candidacy was not opposed as harshly as Djarot's, he was removed from his position as Head of PDI-P's Central Branch. He kept his position as a People's Representative Council (DPR) member but retired in February 2002. In April 2002, Dimyati formed the Our Homeland of Indonesia Party (PITA).
PDI-P During Wahid's Presidency
Although it had not supported Wahid to the Presidency, PDI-P members received ministerial positions in his cabinet because of Megawati's position as Vice President. As time went on, much like the Central Axis that had supported Wahid, PDI-P would grow disillusioned with Wahid. In April 2000, Laksamana Sukardi, a PDI-P member who held position as Minister of Investments and State Owned Enterprises was sacked from his position. When PDI-P enquired as to why this was done, Wahid claimed it was because of corruption but never backed up his claim.
The relationship improved somewhat when later in the year, Wahid authorized Megawati as the Vice President to manage the day-to-day running of the Government. However, Megawati and PDI-P had slowly but surely started to distance themselves from Wahid and join forces with the Central Axis. Finally, in July 2001 at a Special Session of the MPR, Wahid was removed as President. Megawati was then elected as President to replace him with Hamzah as her Vice President.
Further Splits Within the Party
PDI-P faced further splits after Megawati became President with more disillusioned members leaving the Party.
Two of these members were Megawati's own sisters. In May 2002, Sukmawati Sukarnoputri formed the Indonesian National Party Marhaenism (PNI-Marhaenisme). This was followed in November 2002, with Rachmawati Sukarnoputri declaring the formation of the Pioneers' Party (PP).
2004 Legislative Elections
By 2004, the reformist sentiments that had led PDI-P to victory in the 1999 Legislative Elections had died down. Many were disappointed with what Reformation had achieved thus far and were also disappointed with Megawati's Presidency. This reflected itself in the 2004 legislative election, PDI-P obtained 18.5% of the total vote, down from the 33.7% it obtained during the 1999 legislative election. [1]
2004 Presidential Elections
PDI-P nominated Megawati as its Presidential candidate for the 2004 Presidential Elections.
Many running mates were considered, including Hamzah Haz (To renew their partnership from), Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Jusuf Kalla. Finally, Megawati elected Nahdatul Ulama Chairman Hasyim Muzadi as her running mate. It was expected that Megawati would appeal to Nationalist sentiments while Hasyim would appeal to Islamist ones. In the first round of elections, Megawati/Hasyim came second to Yudhoyono/Kalla.
To improve Megawati's chances in the run-off, PDI-P, formed a coalition with PPP, Golkar, Reform Star Party (PBR) and Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) in August 2004. However Megawati/Hasyim was convincingly beaten in the run-off against Yudhoyono/Kalla.
The National Coalition then turned their eyes on being oppositions for the Yudhoyono/Kalla Government in DPR. With Kalla's election as Chairman of Golkar, Golkar defected onto the Government's side, leaving PDI-P as the only major opposition party in the DPR.
2005 Party Congress
On March 28, 2005, the Second PDI-P Congress was held in Sanur, Bali where Megawati was re-elected to the Chairpersonship of PDI-P for a 3rd term. Her brother, Guruh Sukarnoputra, was chosen as Head of the Party's Education and Culture department.
This congress was noted for the formation of a faction called the Renewal of PDI-P Movement. This movement called for a renewal of the Party leadership if it is to win the 2009 Legislative Elections. Although they attended the Congress, the members of the Renewal of the PDI-P movement left once Megawati was re-elected. In December 2005, these same members would form the Democratic Renewal Party (PDR).
- Megawati Sukarnoputri (1998-)
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